Symposium 2001

EL MUXEâ: MALE HOMOSEXUAL ROLES AMONG THE ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC OF SOUTHERN MEXICO

Benjamin D. Horst


Carlos and Javier are two men living in the city of Juchit∫n, Mexico. They work at a small hotel just off the z-calo, the main town square. Sometimes they converge with other men outside the hotel to watch people as they walk past in the z-calo. As nearly anywhere in Mexico, the men comment and nudge each other when an attractive woman passes, but Carlos and Javier remain silent throughout the exchange. It is not until an attractive young man walks by that they speak up. ãÁUy, que guapo!ä Carlos exclaims: ãAh, how handsome!äÊ Carlos and Javier are muxeâ, the effeminate male homosexuals of Isthmus Zapotec culture.

Male homosexuality and transvestism is present in many if not most Native American societies to at least some degree, notably the DinZh, Lakota, Tohono Oâodham, and so on. In pre-Hispanic Mexico, homosexuals were common and respected in most area cultures. With the advent of the Spaniards, however, homosexuals and transvestites were pushed further and further to the margins of society, branded as deviants and persecuted under the influence of a rampant machismo. Only in a few places did homosexuality survive as a common and respected practice. The Isthmus of Tehuantepec in Oaxaca state at the very south of Mexico, home to the Zapotec people, is one of these places. I was privileged to spend July and August of 2000 living among the Zapotec in the city of Juchit∫n. I was intrigued by the position of homosexuals in this culture, and following are some of my efforts to understand them.

Muxeâ is the Zapotec word for effeminate male homosexuals, though the origins of the word remain in debate. Probably the word derives from the Spanish mujer, meaning ãwoman,ä but possibly it comes from a native Zapotec word meaning ãfearful.ä[1] The muxeâ occupy a position which is conceived of as neither man nor woman, but an entirely separate, third gender.Ê While the Zapotec also recognize homosexuals who are not of this third gender, i.e. persons presenting all ãnormalä male characteristics except a heterosexual orientation, such individuals do not share the same degree of acceptance and respect as do muxeâs. These individuals, known as mayates,[2] are merely deviant men, not placed into a separate gender category involving a unique way of life, mannerisms, and dress.[3]

As a result of the muxeâsâ classification as neither male nor female, there is often some confusion as to which pronouns should be used, even by Zapotecs. In speaking with the prominent juchiteco scholar and poet Victor de la Cruz about the subject, he merely shrugged. ãHe or she, he said, ãwho knows? While such ambiguity should be acknowledged, muxeâs are most commonly referred to in the masculine, and this paper will reflect that usage.

Muxeâs are to a Zapotec as readily recognizable and distinguishable from both men and women as men and women would be from each other in a typical North American setting. Before even being introduced to Carlos and Javier, I knew that they were muxeâ. Rather than the trousers and button-down shirts typical of Zapotec men, they wore t-shirts and loose-fitting, thigh-baring shorts. Their hair hung below their shoulders, and it was not uncommon for them to wear moderate amounts of makeup. Other muxeâs frequently wear clothing typical of mainstream Mexican women, such as light dresses and skirts, and, though it was once nearly unheard of, increasing numbers of muxeâs are donning traditional Zapotec womenâs clothing, or traje, involving blouses and skirts heavily embroidered in floral patterns.

In addition to a generally effeminate physical appearance, however, muxeâs also possess distinguishing mannerisms such as speech patterns, hand motions, and general carriage.Ê Muxeâ speech is often sing-song in manner and rapidly varies in pitch and is generally accompanied by extremely loose movements of the hands. Muxeâs often have very erect posture and carry their heads high when walking. Such mannerisms vary widely from muxeâ to muxeâ, but even in their most understated forms are usually recognizable.

Muxeâs typically occupy work that would otherwise fall into the female sphere, such as selling in the marketplace and operating cantinas, though some do take work that falls into the male category, as with those who work in the petroleum industry. Carlos and Javier, however, fall into neither group. Their work -- cooking and cleaning at the hotel -- generally falls into the category of womenâs work, but few self-respecting Zapotec women would do such work as a profession, outside her own home. Jobs like these, mainly involving housekeeping, are dominated by muxeâs, as is the highly specialized and respected field of dance instruction, according to my informants.

Sexual relations among the muxeâ seem to be most public with mayates, though some muxeâs may enter into relations with other muxeâs. Muxeâs and mayates attend fiestas, weddings, and dances together as would a heterosexual couple, and their presence is not viewed as unusual. As many women dance with each other rather than with men, so too are muxeâs often seen dancing with other muxeâs, though this does not indicate a sexual relationship. Muxeâs and mayates can occasionally be seen kissing in public places as would many heterosexual couples.

Muxeâs interact freely with both men and women, entering into scenarios in both the male and female spheres with relative ease. Muxeâs often enter into joking banter with men, and will engage in drinking bouts with them as well. It is not infrequent to see a muxeâs male friends walking with an arm around him, or otherwise in casual and comfortable physical contact. Menâs public treatment of muxeâs is not uncommonly tinted with an element of humor, both verbal and physical. One of Javierâs male coworkers often tugged at Javierâs shorts or patted his buttocks in a jesting manner. Though such behavior could be construed as offensive and conveying of a sort of general amusement by heterosexual males toward muxeâs, it does not appear to greatly impede relations between men and muxeâs.


But muxeâs almost always maintain closer relations with women than with men. Some of these relationships are friendships born of closely interacting areas of work, but the closest relationships are almost inevitably between muxeâs and their mothers or other matriarchs. According to Amaranta, the muxeâ best known outside of the Isthmus, ãI am the muxeâ of my family; that is, the feminine son, who will live as a woman, not marry, and stay always with my mother.ä[4] Out of all a motherâs children, only a muxeâ can be expected to remain with her throughout her old age and death, and for this reason mothers often hope that one of their sons will be muxeâ. The mother-muxeâ bond becomes an extremely strong one, and muxeâs often extend this type of relationship to other older women in their lives. The owners of Carlos and Javierâs hotel had an unmarried aunt who died of appendicitis in July 2000, and when the news was delivered the entire family was grieved. But Carlos and Javier, who were no blood relation to the woman at all, were the most obviously affected by the death, wailing for hours about the loss of their ãmam∫,ä leading the prayers for the dead woman, and bursting into tears seemingly at random over the next week and more, while the womanâs own sisters, though mourning, were much more composed and less noticeably perturbed by the death. Both Carlos and Javier had been embraced by the deceased woman as surrogate muxeâ sons, and they thought of her as a mother. Such fictive kin relationships are common for muxeâs, especially to older women who have never married or had children of their own.

In recent years, the influx of mainstream Mexican culture into Zapotec society has intensified, bringing with it increased machismo and homophobia. Intimidation by outsiders is becoming common for muxeâs, as in a case Bennholdt-Thomsen relates of interaction between soldiers and a muxeâ, in which the soldiers insult and threaten the muxeâ with physical harm.[5] Possibly more worrisome, however, is the attitude that Zapotec men themselves are beginning to take. As mentioned earlier, muxeâs tend to be a source of amusement for many men, and though such humor is often well-intentioned, there is sometimes an element of malice as well. An abundance of imported words are currently used to refer to muxeâs, such as ãgay,ä ãmaric-n,ä and ãputo,ä none of which have the positive connotations of the word ãmuxeâ,ä and some of which are outright insulting.Ê Zapotec men are increasingly afraid of being perceived as homosexual and use this fear as a means of coercing other men. In one unpleasant but enlightening instance, two of my male acquaintances decided to go to a dance club in a town about an hour away by car one evening, and they asked me to come along. They were convinced that my exotic features and status as a North American would help them pick up women.Ê When, for a number of reasons, including a desire not to get in a car driven by someone who had been drinking heavily, I declined to go with them, they immediately began calling me a muxeâ. ãWhat, you donât want to go with us? What are you, muxeâ?äÊ They intended to make me feel as though a real man would do what they wanted to, and that to prove my masculinity I would have to go with them.

These attitudes are occasionally seen in older men, but far more frequently among teenagers and men in their twenties. It seems likely that these attitudes will increase among the younger male population as mainstream Mexican society and Zapotec society come into closer contact with each other over the next few years.

 

Closer contact with the outside world has brought other elements into the life of muxeâs as well. Muxeâs have been among the leaders of the queer community in Mexico and have participated in numerous dialogues with other indigenous groups worldwide regarding the place of homosexuality within the broader indigenous realm.Ê Amaranta, who I mentioned earlier, is arguably the most famous muxeâ in Juchit∫n, and one of the leaders of the homosexual rights movement in Mexico as a whole.


With the entrance of the queer community into the political arena in North America, Europe, and elsewhere, muxeâs, too, are increasingly drawn to the political realm. The convergence of highly political Zapotec culture with the emergence of homosexual politics has led many muxeâs to become politically active and organized. Las IntrZpidas, the major queer/muxeâ organization in Juchit∫n, is outspoken in local politics regarding homosexual rights, though somewhat paradoxically it is an open supporter of the right-wing PRI party, rather than the leftist Zapotec party, COCEI, that has dominated juchiteco politics for two decades.

Despite the increasing influence of the outside world on the muxeâ lifestyle, it seems unlikely that it will lose its distinctive character anytime in the near future. Neither the importation of an intimidating machismo nor the muxeâsâ involvement in broader queer movements appear to be capable of undermining the sense of pride muxeâs carry for themselves as muxeâ. They are unique even among other homosexuals in their status as a recognized and respected third gender, and are undertaking to preserve the respect they have earned since before the Spanish conquest. For hundreds of years, the Zapotec have granted muxeâs the respect and dignity they have demanded. In a time in which North American homosexuals are demanding that same respect and dignity, perhaps we should begin looking to peoples like the Zapotec as we try to determine how to respond. North Americans have much to learn from a society that extends to homosexuals an acknowledged and respected role.

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[1]Bennholdt-Thomsen, p. 280

[2]The word mayate is a Mexican Spanish term for a Coleoptera beetles.

[3]Bennholdt-Thomsen, p. 304

[4] CAAN, p. 40

[5]Bennholdt-Thomsen, p. 293-294
 
References:
Bennholdt-Thomsen, et al.Juchit∫n, la ciudad de las mujeres. Oaxaca, Mexico: Instituto Oaxaqueúo de las Culturas.Ê 1997.
 
Canadian Aboriginal Aids Network, Canadian Strategy on HIV/AIDS, and Health Canada. Hands Across the World: An Indigenous Peoples Forum. Final Report, July 17, 1999 AIDS Impact Conference. Ottawa: Blue Moon Consulting.Ê 1999.
 
Chiúas, Beverly L. The Isthmus Zapotecs: Womenâs Roles in Cultural Context. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1973.